By Clement Abayomi
It cannot be disputed that Lagos is Nigeria’s busiest economic hub. Once the federal capital, the active commercial centre is often regarded as a microcosm of the Nigerian federation. However, despite this prominent prestige, there is still a divisive and unresolved argument about who really owns Lagos. Is it the legacy of a particular indigenous people, or, as popularly proclaimed, is it a “no man’s land” as a result of Nigeria’s multiculturalism? These questions have raised concerns for a very long time; in fact, during Lagos’ Golden Jubilee celebration in 2017, legal minds, politicians, and traditional leaders converged to engage issues of identity, indigeneity, and legitimacy, unraveling the question about the ownership of Lagos.
As an entry point to this article, an AfriVerse Diaries documentary on December 31, 2024 presented various debates on the subject of who really owns Lagos. Dr. Taibat Lawanson, one of the researchers investigating Lagos ownership and identity, stated in the documentary that “Lagos is a city that has grown since the 16th century (almost 400 years now), and there are different accounts of its origin and identities”. At the core of the ownership dispute is this abundance of (historical) accounts. Competing explanations have come from oral traditions, historical documents, and colonial intrusions. Prince Tajudeen Olusi, a royal voice from Lagos, said in the same documentary that the city had long seen “migrations from the people of Oyo”, adding to its demographics. Over time, these migrations crossed with the movements of other groups including the Awori sub-ethnic group and the Benin contingent, which many people thought established many indigenous institutions, especially on the Island.
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Going forward, Lagos Island Local Government Chairman, Adetoyese Olusi, gave these accounts an official voice when he remarked that “Lagos was founded by two predominant interests, based on the premise of history”. He identified these interests as affiliated with the Aworis and the Benins, both of whom moved to Lagos. He went on to say that a Benin prince and his chiefs came, met with the Aworis, and finally conquered them, which led to the Awori people being forced to leave their home and move to present-day Iddo. This narrative of Benin conquest reflects current power structures seen in Lagos, where the Obaship and Idejo chieftancies rule.
Indeed, the cultural and historical dimensions of Lagos remain contentious, primarily at the degree of identity. Cultural activist and writer Aduke Gomez questioned the basic understanding of, to use her words, a “real Lagosian”. She observed that although many people associate Lagosian identity with the 1861 British cession, such a colonial viewpoint might only be relevant to people living on Lagos Island, not all of Lagos State or its more profound indigenous roots.
Another powerful defender of culture, Erelu Abiola Dosunmu, made clear her opinion. She asserted, “The history of Lagos is not obscure. We know who is who and where we’re coming from. In Lagos Island, we don’t have the Aworis; what we have is ‘Obaship’ and Idejos, because Awori incident happened in Ogun State, Isheri, and the people went to different parts of Southwest. Ogunfunminire came to Lagos Island with his children and his children today are the Idejos. They don’t call themselves Awori. When you’re talking about the indigenes of Lagos, we have ‘Obaship’ and ‘Idejos’.”
She strongly affirmed that the Idejo lineage, rooted in land ownership and royalty, formed the foundation of indigeneship on Lagos Island and set Awori history as centered in Ogun State.
Such claim(s) refute(s) the prevalent contemporary idea that Lagos is a no man’s land. Alhaji Femi Okunnu (SAN), a former federal minister, rejected this idea of Lagos being a no man’s land as ignorance of the history of Lagos. He described Lagos’ several native ethnic groups as follows:
Idejo Chiefs (landowners)
Aworis (Eko’s early settlers)
Eguns (Badagry)
Ibinis (Idungaran)
Nupes/Tapas (Lagos Island)
Brazilian returnees (Brazilian Quarters)
Ijebus (Epe)
Egbas (Abule Egba)
Ekitis/Ijeshas (Mainland)
Notably, former Nigerian Senator, Senator Habib Fasinro, emphasised that Lagos indigenes are real and must not be endangered by modern demographic shifts. He cautioned that their historic hospitality should not be mistaken for cultural invisibility. Still, others argue that all Nigerians helped create Lagos. Prominent engineer and politician, Joe Igbokwe, highlighted the large investments made by other ethnic groups and pointed out that Lagos, which was Nigeria’s capital for 86 years, naturally drew people and wealth from all across the country.
There is, however, some disagreement with this position of inclusiveness. A legal scholar and political historian Dr. Oladoyin Odebowale strongly opposed Joe Igbokwe, describing his (Igbokwe’s) position with what he called “historical revisionism”. He said that several sections of Lagos were unambiguously Yoruba, particularly Awori, Egba, Remo, and Ijebu territories. He connected the loss of their financial independence to military-era laws, particularly the Decree. No. 34 of 1966, which, he argued, took away power from the regions and let the federal government take over Western resources under the pretext of unity. Dr Odebowale juxtaposed this with the financial independence of the former Western Region, pointing to successes such as Cocoa House, University of Ife, and Africa’s first television station, Western Nigerian Television (WNTV), supported by Yoruba cocoa money.
He further cautioned against growing resentment brought on by apparent economic domination, claiming that narcotics, human trafficking, and political influence now distort Lagos’ indigenous economy. Dr Odebowale claimed that this growing conflict about ownership could set off a cultural backlash. He denounced any attempts by non-indigenes to control Lagos’ political arena and described them in the following words: “. . .a pernicious scheme to dispossess us of our patrimony”.
On the other hand, Alhaji Femi Okunnu (SAN), exhorted the youth to shun divisive politics and called for national healing. He thought back on his generation’s inability to create harmony and encouraged a concentration on cultural integration instead of political control.
In conclusion, the question of who owns Lagos is not merely geographical; it is a deep struggle over history, power, and identity. Many non-indigenes lay claim to the city through years of investment, work, and residence, while native communities strive to protect their historic legacy. Layers of migration, conquest, colonial rule, and diplomacy have kept the issue controversial. Yet the fact remains that Lagos lies in the southwest of Nigeria, a predominantly Yoruba region. The native language of early Lagosian indigenes is Yoruba, specifically the Awori dialect, along with other sub-dialects brought by migrant groups such as the Ijebus, Egbas, and Ekiti. To this day, Lagos’ cultural systems and political structures remain rooted in Yoruba civilisation, even as it has evolved into a cosmopolitan hub drawing people from across Nigeria and beyond.
