By Clement Abayomi
The 2023 elections transformed Nigeria’s political climate, opening a chapter where religion now has a firmer grip on the country’s politics. The events of 2023 were not a one-time occurrence; rather, they ushered in a new political reality whereby religion is used to impact decisions, policies, alliances, and electoral strategies. Political actors getting ready for 2027 are therefore changing their plans in reaction to the religious influences that characterised the previous election(s). This article reveals how religion will influence the 2027 election (strategy) in Nigeria.
First things first, a major way through which religion will influence 2027 elections is the widespread rejection of another same-faith presidential ticket. Political scientists and researchers Abdulkadir Salaudeen and Ibrahim Isah explained that “Religion has never trumped reason in Nigerian political history as it did in 2023 general elections,” pointing to how the APC Muslim–Muslim ticket created fear, anger, and accusations of “a strategy towards Islamization.” The backlash, according to their report, was so strong that even churches launched campaigns like Operation Show Your PVC, while some warned “No PVC, no access to church communion”.
READ ALSO: Anambra to build 30 new primary schools after Soludo’s re-election landslide
Today, this pressure has become a political warning. The Coalition of Nigerian Youth Leaders (CONYL), as reported by Vanguard News, insists that 2027 must offer a balanced ticket, explaining that the exclusion of Christians in 2023 left many feeling “alienated, sidelined, and underrepresented.” And because of this, no major party will dare repeat a same-faith combination, and even President Tinubu now seems to be under pressure from the Arewa Youth Movement, which argues that only a Northern Christian running mate can correct the “religious imbalance” that affected his performance in key states in 2023.
A second way through which religion will shape elections in 2027 is the rise of churches as major political structures. As recently explained by writer Ojeka Anthony on his Facebook page, “For the first time, the Church took a clear stand” in 2023, openly supporting Mr. Peter Obi and mobilising millions through sermons, local-language preaching, and voter registration drives.
“Messages were preached in local languages so everyone could understand. Church gatherings became places to encourage voter registration, promote the ‘right’ candidate as they saw it, and prepare members to defend their votes. In many areas, Christians were told it was wrong to support anyone outside the Church’s chosen candidate; and it worked wonders,” Anthony revealed.
Anthony insists that the Church gave the Obidient movement “structure and direction” beyond what social media could provide. This new function seems to suggest that in 2027, political campaigns will actively involve churches, Christian associations, and influential pastors, knowing that the Church now acts like a political base with the power to influence both young and old voters.
Also, the continued influence of Islamic clerics, especially in the North will not but impact 2027 elections. Political scientists Salaudeen and Isah bordered on the 2023 experience to explain how mosques became political platforms with some clerics urging Muslims to see the APC Muslim–Muslim ticket as a religious duty. According to their findings, new slogans such as “Two Muslims are better than one Muslim” and “Muslims cannot go against Muslim-Muslim” were used to guide voting patterns.
“This argument was countered by critics of APC’s Muslim-Muslim ticket that a bona fide Muslim (in reference to Atiku) is better than a combination of a fake Muslim (in reference to Tinubu) and a weak Muslim (his vice—Shettima),” they noted.
This competition within the Muslim community apparently shows that, in 2027, politicians might again rely heavily on clerics, Islamic groups, and mosque networks to influence northern votes, especially where religious loyalty drives political behaviour.
Another influence will likely come from the merging of youth activism and religious mobilisation. As Ojeka Anthony observed, many analysts wrongly assumed social media alone powered the Obidient movement, when in reality, churches translated online messages into local languages for older voters. He explained that the real power came from combining digital influence with religious influence. In 2027, this same model will likely reappear, with campaigns using a coordinated online-offline structure: influencers pushing up narratives online while clerics preach the same messages offline. Youth groups [just like The Coalition of Nigerian Youth Leaders (CONYL)] have already made religion part of their political bargaining power, calling balanced representation not only a strategy but “a moral imperative.” Of course, since there are youths forming the largest voting bloc, politicians will most likely adjust their strategies around religious equity in order to avoid losing this category of people—the youths.
However, not everyone believes religion should dominate 2027 elections. In a Facebook video, Sheikh Nuru Khalid, popularly known as the Digital Imam, sounded a note of warning.
“Don’t let any imam or pastor decide your vote in 2027. Choose a leader based on credibility and compassion . . . Nigeria needs leaders for all, not dividers,” he said.
READ ALSO: Ukachukwu rejects Soludo’s victory, alleges intimidation, violence in Anambra election
His message points to the fact that religious tension will harm national unity if religious leaders continue to act as political actors. Notwithstanding, this call for neutrality does not remove the reality that religious influence is now part of Nigeria’s political strategy.
The 2023 elections reconfigured Nigeria’s politics in ways that will strongly define what is to come in 2027. It is impossible to ignore religion at this point. Will this unite or divide Nigeria? Whatever happens further is uncertain. But of course Nigeria’s political atmosphere will never remain the same.
